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“From a Joint Defense Agreement to Security Talks with Iran”: Saudi Arabia, Türkiye and Pakistan Strengthen Regional Security Cooperation Amid Iran War and Houthi Offensive

“From a Joint Defense Agreement to Security Talks with Iran”: Saudi Arabia, Türkiye and Pakistan Strengthen Regional Security Cooperation Amid Iran War and Houthi Offensive

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Oliver Griffin
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Oliver Griffin is a policy and tech reporter at The Economy, focusing on the intersection of artificial intelligence, government regulation, and macroeconomic strategy. Based in Dublin, Oliver has reported extensively on European Union policy shifts and their ripple effects across global markets. Prior to joining The Economy, he covered technology policy for an international think tank, producing research cited by major institutions, including the OECD and IMF. Oliver studied political economy at Trinity College Dublin and later completed a master’s in data journalism at Columbia University. His reporting blends field interviews with rigorous statistical analysis, offering readers a nuanced understanding of how policy decisions shape industries and everyday lives. Beyond his newsroom work, Oliver contributes op-eds on ethics in AI and has been a guest commentator on BBC World and CNBC Europe.

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Saudi, Turkish and Pakistani delegations visit Iran for security talks
Houthi-Saudi fighting compounds Iran war, deepening Middle East insecurity
“We must reduce reliance on the U.S.”: Three countries sign joint defense agreement, but practical military coordination remains a challenge

High-level delegations from Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and Türkiye visited Iran for talks aimed at easing regional military tensions. The move reflects a growing need for their own mediation efforts as concerns mount over renewed armed conflict between the United States and Israel on one side and Iran on the other, compounded by attacks on Saudi Arabia by Yemen’s Iran-aligned Houthi armed group. Saudi Arabia, Türkiye and Pakistan, which joined the talks, recently signed a trilateral joint defense agreement and have begun strengthening an independent security cooperation network.

Efforts to Ease Regional Tensions in the Middle East

According to Reuters and AFP on the 26th (all dates hereafter are local time), senior military and security officials from Saudi Arabia, Türkiye and Pakistan discussed regional security and ways to ease military tensions with Iran’s leadership in Tehran that day. Pakistan proposed the talks, and Pakistani army chief Asim Munir reportedly visited Tehran last week to present the idea of multilateral consultations to Iran’s leadership.

The main items on the agenda were preventing renewed military clashes between the United States and Iran, Houthi attacks on Saudi Arabia, and restoring normal shipping through the Strait of Hormuz. In a joint statement following the meeting, the four countries said they would expand regional cooperation and continue follow-up consultations to stabilize security. However, no schedule for further talks or specific measures to ease military tensions was disclosed.

Risks of Armed Conflict Abound

The meeting took place amid discussion of possible renewed U.S. and Israeli attacks on Iran. The two sides have been engaged in a prolonged armed conflict since the United States and Israel launched military operations against Iran in February. In June, mediation by Pakistan and Qatar produced a provisional agreement that included reopening the Strait of Hormuz and lifting the U.S. blockade of Iranian ports, but negotiations were suspended after fighting resumed. U.S. President Donald Trump has recently continued to signal the possibility of additional military strikes against Iran, while hard-line rhetoric over military action against Iran has also persisted in Israel. In particular, growing concerns that military clashes could resume around the U.S. midterm elections on November 3 have accelerated mediation efforts by countries in the region.

Armed clashes between Saudi Arabia and the Houthis are also cited as a key factor behind the talks. Fighting between them resumed in earnest in July when Saudi-backed Yemeni government forces launched an airstrike on the international airport in the Houthi-controlled capital, Sanaa. At the time, Yemeni government forces said they had struck the airport’s runway to prevent an Iranian aircraft from landing. In retaliation, the Houthis fired ballistic missiles and drones at Abha International Airport in southern Saudi Arabia. This was the first Houthi attack on Saudi Arabia since the two sides entered an informal ceasefire in 2022. The Houthis subsequently expanded their attacks to maritime targets, striking Saudi vessels passing through the Red Sea, while Saudi Arabia launched additional airstrikes on Houthi strongholds in Yemen.

Saudi Arabia Suffers Heavy Damage from Houthi Offensive

In August, the fighting spread to energy facilities and other targets. The Houthis launched missile and drone attacks on oil facilities in Yanbu in western Saudi Arabia and Jizan in the south, and on August 9 targeted the Jizan refinery of Saudi state oil company Aramco. On the same day, Houthi attacks on the western port of Mocha and nearby areas controlled by Saudi-backed Yemeni government forces killed 7 people and injured as many as 30. In response, Saudi Arabia escalated its military response, continuing airstrikes on Houthi strongholds in Yemen. On September 13, it struck key Houthi strongholds in the northern province of Saada and in Taiz province, and reportedly carried out large-scale airstrikes in the Hodeidah, Marib and Taiz areas on the 16th.

This month, Houthi attacks on civilian facilities inside Saudi Arabia have become particularly prominent. An attack on King Khalid International Airport in Riyadh on the 10th killed 13 people and injured 309, while a projectile struck Terminal 4 on the 11th, killing 1 person and injuring 11. On the 15th, the Houthis attacked the presidential palace compound in Aden, southern Yemen, killing 5 people. The Saudi-led coalition retaliated, declaring that it had destroyed 127 sites in Yemen, including weapons storage and missile launch facilities. Fighting between the two sides continued right up to the Tehran meeting. On the 24th, the Houthis announced that they had attacked Saudi airports, refineries and oil pipelines, and on the 26th they also claimed to have attacked Saudi crude oil pumping facilities and King Khalid International Airport. The Saudi-led coalition, in turn, said it had intercepted 2 Houthi ballistic missiles and destroyed 2 Houthi ballistic missile launchers in Sanaa.

Table 1. Impact of the Iran War on Saudi Arabia and Türkiye

CountrySectorKey Details
Saudi ArabiaMilitary and SecurityHouthi offensive spreads to energy and civilian facilities, increasing casualties and threats to infrastructure
TürkiyeMilitary and SecurityBallistic missiles from Iran repeatedly threaten and violate Turkish airspace
EconomyHigher energy import costs and growing uncertainty over natural gas and trade networks linked to Iran
Source: Compiled from foreign media reports

Türkiye Also Faces Threats from Iran

Türkiye, which joined Saudi Arabia at the meeting, is also among the countries that have suffered considerable damage from the Iran war. It has faced direct military repercussions, including threats to its airspace from ballistic missiles launched from Iran. On March 4, 1 ballistic missile launched from Iran was shot down by North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) air defenses as it headed toward Turkish airspace after passing over Iraq and Syria. On the 9th of the same month, a ballistic missile from Iran actually entered Turkish airspace before being intercepted by NATO air defenses. Similar incidents followed on March 13 and 30.

The economic burden is also growing. Given Türkiye’s heavy dependence on energy imports, the sustained rise in international oil prices since the Iran war has dealt a severe blow. Turkish Energy and Natural Resources Minister Alparslan Bayraktar said in March that every USD 1 (approximately USD 1.02) increase in the international price of oil per barrel raises the country’s annual energy import costs by USD 400 million (approximately USD 408 million). Türkiye is also directly exposed to supply chain and logistics instability, as it shares a border with Iran and maintains natural gas supply and trade ties with the country.

How Effective Is the Makkah Joint Defense Agreement?

Faced with security shocks emanating from Iran, Saudi Arabia and Türkiye have joined forces with Pakistan—a nuclear-armed military power that has maintained close cooperation with both countries—to strengthen military and defense cooperation. A prominent example was the trilateral summit held in Makkah, Saudi Arabia, in August, where the three countries signed the Makkah Joint Defence Agreement. At the heart of the agreement is a collective defense clause stipulating that an armed attack on any one of the three countries will be regarded as an attack on all three. The agreement also includes measures to expand defense cooperation, such as joint military exercises, joint weapons production, military technology transfers and intelligence sharing.

As the three countries move away from the U.S.-centered security order to build an independent defense cooperation framework, some experts argue that significant constraints remain before the agreement can develop into a substantive military alliance. Each country faces different security issues—Saudi Arabia’s conflicts with Iran and Yemen, Pakistan’s military confrontation with India, and Türkiye’s obligations as a NATO member—making it uncertain whether the other countries would actually intervene if one were attacked. “I think the likelihood of the collective defense system becoming operational in practice in the near term is low,” one foreign affairs expert said. “The scope of implementation will gradually expand, centering on military intelligence sharing, joint exercises and defense industry cooperation.”

Picture

Member for

1 year 2 months
Real name
Oliver Griffin
Bio
[email protected]

Oliver Griffin is a policy and tech reporter at The Economy, focusing on the intersection of artificial intelligence, government regulation, and macroeconomic strategy. Based in Dublin, Oliver has reported extensively on European Union policy shifts and their ripple effects across global markets. Prior to joining The Economy, he covered technology policy for an international think tank, producing research cited by major institutions, including the OECD and IMF. Oliver studied political economy at Trinity College Dublin and later completed a master’s in data journalism at Columbia University. His reporting blends field interviews with rigorous statistical analysis, offering readers a nuanced understanding of how policy decisions shape industries and everyday lives. Beyond his newsroom work, Oliver contributes op-eds on ethics in AI and has been a guest commentator on BBC World and CNBC Europe.

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